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But, like the terms Kabyle and Berber, the term Imazighen is also oriented toward the outside in that it refers to a sense of belonging that goes beyond the village, the re- gion, and even the country to embrace all of North Africa. Thus, the word Imazighen also conjures notions of inclusion, openness, and tolerance. This is a novelty in a society where the family and the community are supposed to come first. This phrase could also suggest that being Amazigh is not just an identity claim but a process in the making, a path that the poet follows, despite pain, misery, and imminent death.

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The claim is as much about him me, nek as about being Amazigh. There is no doubt that what it means to be Amazigh continues its diversification and transformation, which follows a new sense of self in a modern and capitalist world. Pourquoi ne pas preciser apres tout? II me revient a la memoire une anecdote qui remonte au 9 mai Why not specify after all? An anecdote dating back to May 9, , comes to mind. It took place in Alsace.

In- digenous here is to be understood as referring to a person who originates from the place where she lives from the Latin word indigena, meaning a native. I regretted at the time that, among all the characters, there was no native and that Oran was for you just a banal French prefecture.

French Dictionary

En vertu de quoi ils sont les maitres. When Algerians of European descent tell us they are Algerians, we hear that they are first French and then Algerian. Because of this, they are the masters. When the Muslim says he is Algerian, everyone knows he is only that. To complicate matters further, the commu- nity of European origin in Algeria called itself Algerien Algerian.

It is clear from these few examples that a number of terms associated with Algeria and its people were, and still are, politi- cally charged. In addition, some of these terms shift meaning according to periods, places, and political experience, creating confusion or uncertainty for the reader.

For instance, the same person calling herself Algerienne in the s would not do it today but would instead use the term pied-noir. In this book, the term indigenous refers to the colonial period especially in chapter 1, which covers the s and s and designates the people who lived in Algeria before the arrival of the French and other Europe- ans.


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The term Algerian was ambiguous during this period, given that the population of European descent also used it to refer to themselves. As far as the term Arab is concerned, as Feraoun makes clear in the earlier quote, it was often used broadly to refer to the populations of North Africa, whether they were Arabs or not. With the development and strengthening of the Berber movement from the s through the s in Algeria, people have been less reluctant to openly claim their Berberness. The region at the forefront of this move- ment has been Kabylia, a mountainous region of Algeria, where Kabyle or Taqbaylit is spoken.

Kabyle is one of several Berber languages in Alge- ria.

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Kabyles in the twentieth century, especially during the Algerian War and after, have rarely fought for their interests alone. It also points to a cross-national identity, as shown by the creation of the Amazigh World Congress CMA , the first meeting of which took place in the Canary Islands in ; more than three hundred delegates from Morocco, Algeria, Libya, Burkina Faso, Mali, Mauritania, and the diaspora gathered for it.

I deliberately use the term Berber throughout the book because of its etymology, which roots it in the idea of foreignness, a sense that is lost in the use of Amazigh. By continuing to use Berber, I want to establish that foreignness is a constitutive experience of this people and is at the core of the Kabyle group identity and culture.

I also use the term Kabyle for the sake of precision, especially when retracing, for exam- ple, the Berber movement, which essentially took place within the Kabyle community, though, as stated earlier, its message spread to and impacted other countries in North Africa. A Word about Berbers The earliest known inhabitants of North Africa were called Berbers by the Romans, who believed them to be alien to Roman civilization and identi- fied them as barbarians barbari.

The word berbera in Arabic signifies a combination of incomprehensible shouts. Af- ter the Arab conquest, the Arabs dubbed the region west of Egypt Djezira el Maghreb the western island and, more precisely, Maghreb el-Aqsa to refer to the extreme west of the Maghreb. From the sixteenth through the eighteenth centuries, when it was used as a base for pirates to raid ships in the Mediterranean Sea, the region was called Barbarie Barbary or les etats barbaresques the Barbary states , which included Algeria, Tunisia, Tripoli, and Morocco.

In the nineteenth century, the term Afrique du Nord North Africa appeared with other terms such as Afrique mineure lower Africa. The Berbers, who were also called Numids Strabo , Maures Pliny , Getulians Sallust , and Lybi- ans Herodotus according to various authors and periods, have been the subject of many debates regarding their origin, prompting interesting hy- potheses as well as numerous legends. Legend has it that they were survivors of Atlantis be- fore it sank into the sea. As Gabriel Camps puts it, it is easier to look for countries the Berbers did not supposedly come from.

However, from a historical point of view, it is now accepted that since High Antiquity, Berbers have been in North Africa. The truth often lies in between; history, legends, and myths are inevitably intertwined. One interesting characteristic of the Berber people is that their language has always been absent from strategic positions and spheres of power. Though there were Berber kings and queens and some even founded dynas- ties and empires, they did not rule as Berbers, so they never positioned the Berber language as a language of civilization.

Most are settled people, but some are nomads for whom national frontiers do not matter and who therefore inhabit several countries, notably the Tuareg, who live among Niger, Alge- ria, Nigeria, Mali, and Burkina Faso. Berbers speak many variations of the Berber language, which are of- ten not easily understood by other Berber speakers.


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  5. The well-known linguist Andre Basset estimated in the s that there were three thousand to five thousand Berber regional dialects or geolects. The Kabyles are largely concentrated in two regions, around the city of Tizi Ouzou and the Mediterranean port town of Vgayet. However, Kabyles are spread throughout Algeria and in the diaspora, especially France, which explains why France is such an important actor in this study. We Are Imazighen retraces Algerian Berber literary production from the early s — , to be precise, the year in which the first published col- lection of poetry by Jean Amrouche, recognized as the first indigenous fran- cophone poet from Algeria, appeared — to the end of the twentieth century, with special attention paid to the works of Tahar Djaout, Assia Djebar, and the Kabyle singer Lounes Matoub.

    Matoub is discussed here in contrast with Tahar Djaout and provides a grasp of the Berber experience at the grassroots level that is essential to understand not only the political and social background at work in Algeria but also the constitution of a Berber literary and cultural tradition.

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    This book argues that the Berber literary tra- dition is based on a dialectic encounter with the other whether the other is French, foreign, or simply the non-Berber Algerian compatriot , which all of the authors discussed here grapple with in their literary production, making it a bond between the local Berber experience — usually in the vil- lage — and the world at large. We Are Imazighen is organized chronologically and examines four sig- nificant periods.

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    The Berber writers, including those from the so-called 52 generation, are brought together and identified as Berber francophone writers. The third period covers the post-independence period, stretching from the early s to the s, a period rich in social and cultural move- ments in Algeria and also in France, where a literary movement dubbed Beur emerged.

    The fi- nal segment concerns the last decade of the twentieth century, a chaotic period including the cancellation of the elections in followed by civil war.


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    7. Chapter 1 builds on the idea of Berbers as a constant, but ghostlike, presence in early twentieth-century Algerian literature, without a body and subjectivity. The latter were caught under the shroud of a double discourse that hindered their literary expression, a discourse not necessarily the same as that of the following generation.

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      The emergence of Berber consciousness and what I call here the first francophone Berber writers in Algeria in the s and s was largely due to schooling in Algeria and the efforts of emigres, many of whom were Second World War veterans and unionized workers in French industry. In conjunction with other forms of Berber culture, specifically popular music, this grassroots movement opened up a market and intellectual space for Berber writers, such as the Amrouche family and other literary pioneers.

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      Importantly, the unique circumstance under which this writing was carried out was the emergence of the Algerian national movement and subsequent revolution. This chapter thus outlines the formation of Berber identity within the con- text of nationalist thought and politics in Algeria. In chapter 2, 1 examine works by the first francophone Berber writers — who, I argue, were engaged in a dialogue with the colonial system but were also deeply influenced by the oral culture of the Berber village.

      They saw the village as a fundamental principle of their identity. This situation influenced their fictional work in French and mediated their role in the preservation of their Berber heritage. Her inspiration came from her life story, which overlapped with an oral context where she sang Berber songs and poems to her children, inspiring them and instilling in them a sense of loss and foreignness, a polarity that haunted the careers and lives of both her children, Jean and Taos.

      His sister, Marie-Fouise Taos, became a Berber singer and a francophone novelist. This chapter also examines the works of Mouloud Feraoun, the writer who launched the so-called 52 generation with Le fils du pauvre, published in During the Algerian War, Mouloud Feraoun was a major humanist figure who strove to build bridges between the different communities in Algeria.

      In this chapter I also address the work of Mouloud Mammeri, Berber linguist, anthropologist, and writer. In his novels La colline oubliee and Le Sommeil du juste he depicts the major upheavals in a small Berber village wrought by the Second World War, as well as the cultural and psychological ambiguities accompa- nying the French colonial presence. In this novel the main character, Idhir Sammer, receives an unusual punish- ment for the honor killing he committed. What these novelists and intellectuals have in common is the dialogue they engaged in with the colonizer and themselves and their anxiety vis-a- vis Berber culture and language, which they believed to be on the brink of extinction.

      Chapter 3 focuses on two important social events in France and Alge- ria — namely, the Beur March and the Berber Spring — and addresses the Beur literature that emerged in France during this period.